
New York Times Medal of Honor By Thomas Friedman When Al Gore was in Vietnam he never saw much combat. Throughout his
presidential campaign, though, he insisted he wanted to "fight"
for every American. Well, Wednesday night, in his concession
speech, Mr. Gore took a bullet for the country. The shot was fired at the heart of the nation by the five
conservative justices of the U.S. Supreme Court, with their
politically inspired ruling that installed George W. Bush as
president. The five justices essentially said that it was more
important that Florida meet its self-imposed deadline of Dec. 12
for choosing a slate of electors than for the Florida Supreme
Court to try to come up with a fair and uniform way to ensure
that every possible vote in Florida was counted — and still meet
the real federal deadline, for the nationwide Electoral College
vote on Dec. 18. The five conservative justices essentially
ruled that the sanctity of dates, even meaningless ones,
mattered more than the sanctity of votes, even meaningful ones.
The Rehnquist court now has its legacy: "In calendars we
trust." You don't need an inside source to realize that the five
conservative justices were acting as the last in a team of
Republican Party elders who helped drag Governor Bush across the
finish line. You just needed to read the withering dissents of
Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Souter and Stevens, who told the
country exactly what their five colleagues were up to — acting
without legal principle or logic and thereby inflicting a wound,
said Justice Breyer, "that may harm not just the court, but the
nation." Or, as the Harvard moral philosopher Michael Sandel put it:
"Not only did the court fail to produce any compelling argument
of principle to justify its ruling. But, on top of that, the
conservative majority contradicted its long-held insistence on
protecting states' rights against federal interference. That's
why this ruling looks more like partisanship than principle. And
that's why many will conclude that the five conservative
justices voted twice for president — once in November and once
in December." Which brings us back to Mr. Gore and his concession speech.
It was the equivalent of taking a bullet for the country,
because the rule of law is most reinforced when — even though it
may have been imposed wrongly or with bias — the recipient of
the judgment accepts it, and the system behind it, as final and
legitimate. Only in that way — only when we reaffirm our
fidelity to the legal system, even though it rules against us —
can the system endure, improve and learn from its mistakes. And
that was exactly what Mr. Gore understood, bowing out with grace
because, as he put it, "This is America, and we put country
before party." If Chinese or Russian spies are looking for the most valuable
secret they can steal in Washington, here's a free tip: Steal Al
Gore's speech. For in a few brief pages it contains the real
secret to America's sauce. That secret is not Wall Street and
it's not Silicon Valley, it's not the Air Force and it's not the
Navy, it's not the free press and it's not the free market — it
is the enduring rule of law and institutions that underlie them
all, and that allows each to flourish no matter who is in
power. One can only hope that Mr. Bush also understands that the
ultimate strength of America and the impact it has on the world
does not come from all the military systems he plans to expand
(though they too are important), or from Intel's latest
microchip. It comes from this remarkable system of laws and
institutions we have inherited — a system, they say, that was
designed by geniuses so it could be run by idiots. Mr. Bush will soon discover that preserving this system is
critical not only for America, it is critical for the world.
America today is the Michael Jordan of geopolitics. Many envy
the institutions and economy that ensure our dominance; others
deeply resent us for the same. But all are watching our example
— and all understand, at some level, that the stability of the
world today rests on the ability of our system and economy to
endure. Al Gore reinforced that system by his graceful concession;
Mr. Bush will have to reinforce it by his presidency. Now that
the campaign is over, and the system has determined the winner,
no one should root for his failure. Because, as Al Gore would
say, "This is America," and it's the only one we've got.
Copyright © 2000 New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
December 15, 2000
